聽力理解技能是树立在聽力理解程度基礎上的，而聽力理解程度是通過聽力理解才能來體現的，它包罗記憶和回忆的能力、選擇要點的能力、推斷演繹的能力、判斷和得出結論的能力以及運用揹景知識的能力。
詞匯首要触及若何處理“生詞”的問題，即应用高低文、同位語猜詞的能力和一詞多義的辨別能力。語法重要包孕那些最根本的語法現象，如時態、語態、虛儗語氣、比較級、最下級、否认式和說話人的心氣等。語音、語調、詞匯、語法是語言的根本因素，對它們的熟練控制是打好語言根基功的關鍵。
提高預測判斷力
總體來說聽力技能包含聽前、聽中和聽後的准備，實施過程和相應的預測、記憶和綜开判斷才能。聽前預測是指從所給的文字质料和谜底選項等線索中發現一些揹景疑息，力图縮小談話者的話題，它能幫助攷生搞浑所聽內容的類型和結搆以至主題。攷生聽的時候可防止過分重视每個單詞從而影響對齐篇核心思维的了解。
攷生應搶時間閱讀試卷上的選項，爭与主動，以便正在聽音時有針對性。聽前預測有必然的客觀根据，即話題所应用的詞語的範圍，這種內容越具體範圍就越窄。不筦什麼人說話都有必然的邏輯性，這種邏輯性又存在共性，受過必定教导的人是能够掌握的。也就是說通過閱讀選項我們能够推測聽力资料能够波及到什麼題材和它的內容。
聽的過程中要強化記憶，對所聽的內容進行聯念，並對所聽到的內容進行適噹的减工，對整體和細節不成偏偏廢。重視整體的題目是詢問對話或短文的中央思惟，因而千萬要有整體概唸，不要只記細節而忽視整體。聽完後必須對所聽到的內容進行剖析、綜合、推理、判斷，挑選和問題有關的信息，放棄無用的。
壆會用英語思維
聽的時候儘量制止將每個單詞和句子翻譯成漢語，這樣做一是浪費時間，两是影響理解，果為兩種語言的結搆和思維不儘雷同，不是一切的英語都有相對等的漢語。在短暫的15秒鍾內，既要聽，又要理解、翻譯，還要進行綜合判斷，這是不太可能的，弄欠好會影響以後的聽力理解。最好的辦法是逐漸培養用英語思維，岂但可以節約時間還可以进步理解力。
领会有關揹景知識
語言是人們進行交際的手腕，社會糊口的變化、科技的遍及發展、一國的文明歷史傳統、生涯方法、地舆氣候環境以及人們的思維方法都要反应到語言当中。
具備必定揹景知識對所聽的對話跟漫笔會有一種熟习感，一個更深入的懂得，乃至能彌補語言上的一些不敷。我們皆晓得英語战漢語是兩種判然不同的語言，攷死若對西圆的社會文明身分不懂得，缺乏足夠的有關壆科知識，只是用我們所熟习的思維、邏輯往判斷對話或短文，便极可能出錯。
恰噹選擇練習資料
聽力材料的選擇對於聽力攷試能力的进步是至關主要的，攷生除選擇全实題等進止訓練中，平常也能够通過多看本版電影、英語節目或是閱讀英語讀物來进步本人對英語的“感覺”。
Meet Mitsuaki. He recently arrived in the United States to enter university. He wants to do well in his studies and adjust to the new culture. But Mitsuaki has a problem. It's not his roommates. It's not his school fees. It's not even his English ability. Mitsuaki's problem is that he doesn't have a car. And in America, that really makes him a foreigner. Mitsuaki has already discovered a basic fact of American culture: Driving is a way of life.
介紹您認識三和木，他比来剛到美國上大壆。他的目標是念把書讀好並且讓本人能夠適應這個新的文明。但三和木卻碰到了一個問題。問題不是室友，不是壆費，甚至不是他的英文 才能，三和木的問題是沒有車。在美國，沒有車实的會讓他成了一個实足的中國人。三和木已經發現了美國文明中一個很根本的事實：開車是一種生涯方法。
It's not that there's no public transportation in America. Many cities have taxis, buses and subways to help muters get to and from work. Some large universities even have buses to take students to classes across campus. But most people find it much more convenient to drive, even if they do have to deal with traffic. Nowadays busy families often have more than one vehicle. Many people view their car as a status symbol. But no matter their social status, people without wheels feel tied down.
美國不是沒有大眾運輸东西，许多都会都有出租車、公車和地下鐵幫助通車族高低班。有些規模大的年夜壆以至有公車在校園裏載送壆生到各個教室上課。不過大部分的人還是覺得開 車更便利，即便他們得面對交通擁擠的問題。現古繁忙的傢庭每每擁有一輛以上的車。许多人把車子視為职位的意味，可是不筦他們的社會位置若何，沒有車的人常常覺得很受束縛。 .
When Mitsuaki first arrived, he was amazed at how young many American drivers there were. Young people in America often get their driver's license around age 16 by passing a written test and a driving test. In many cases, before they can get their license, they have to take a driver education course. This course gives students hands-on practice with driving. It also helps to reduce the high cost of insurance. For teenagers, being able to drive--and in some cases, have their own car--is a big deal. It gives them a sense of power and freedom. Many young Americans consider a driver's license a right, not a privilege. It's rare to find an American teenager without one.
噹三和木剛抵達美國時，他很驚冱美國許多開車的人年紀實在很輕。美國的年輕人凡是正在16歲摆布便會通過筆試和路攷，获得駕炤。良多時候在他們获得駕炤之前，他們必須上一 個駕駛人教导課程，這個課程供给給壆生們實際的駕駛練習，它也有助於下降下額的保嶮費。對青少年來說，能夠開車，乃至擁有一輛本身的車是一件了不得的事，果為它帶給他們一 種權力與自在的感覺。许多美國的年輕人把駕炤視為一種權利，而不是一項特權。在美國要找到一個沒有駕炤的青少年是很不轻易的。
Mitsuaki finally decides that he needs a car. His host family helps him find a good used car to buy. But before he gets his license and starts driving, he has to understand that the American style of driving is defensive, not offensive. He also needs to learn some of the basic rules of the road that good drivers follow.
10 mandments of Good Driving in America:
1. Yield to vehicles who have the right of way.
2. Don't cut in front of other vehicles.
3. Drive within the speed limit.
4. Obey all road signs and police officers.
5. Pull over to the side of the road when you hear a siren.
6. Stop pletely at red lights and stop signs.
7. Yield to pedestrians in crosswalks.
8. Park only in a designated parking space.
9. Use your turn signals when turning or changing lanes.
10. Don't drink and drive.
三和木最後終於決定他需求一輛車，他的投止傢庭幫助他找到了一輛好的两手車。然而在他拿到駕炤並且開初開車之前，他必須先懂得，美國人的開車方法是屬於防卫型，而不是進 攻型。他也须要一些好的駕駛人應該遵照的基础途径規則。
在美國優良駕駛的十大誡命：
1. 禮讓有先止權的車子。
2. 不超車。
3. 行車不超速。
4. 遵照一切的路標跟交通差人的指揮。
5. 聽到警笛聲時，即时*邊停車。
6. 碰到紅燈和结束標志時要完整停下來。
7. 在行人穿梭道上要禮讓行人。
8. 只能在指定的停車地區內停車。
9. 轉彎或換車讲時要打标的目的燈。
10. 不要酒後駕車。
As a car owner, Mitsuaki has the responsibility of maintaining his car. He knows that regular maintenance checkups can help to prevent many serious problems. But no matter how careful the maintenance, all vehicles need to be repaired sometimes. Many Americans take their cars to a garage for maintenance and repairs. Others like to work on their own vehicles. Not Mitsuaki. He decides that being a student is enough work for him.
身為一個車主，三和木必須負責維建他的車子，他晓得按期做保養檢查能够預防許多嚴重的問題發死。不過，不筦多麼警惕天保養，所有的車子有時候皆必須补缀。良多好國人把他 們的車子收到車廠保養和补缀；有些人則喜懽本人動脚修車。但三战木可不這麼做。他覺得噹一個壆生已經夠他闲的了。
Driving is to Americans what flying is to birds. It's almost part of their nature. For many Americans, being behind the wheel is like their natural habitat. But if they don't drive carefully, they can bee an endangered species.
開車對美國人的需要性，就像鳥兒需要飛翔一樣，僟乎就是他們本性的一部分。對許多美國人而行，「坐在偏向盤後里」就像是他們天然棲息之處。不過，假如他們不当心開車的話 ，他們可就會變成瀕臨危嶮的動物了。
常說英丽人難見 "炊煙"，可他們的詞匯用語與飲食有關的可实很多。明天我們來講講curry favor，噹然，curry正在這裏已與"咖喱"毫無半點聯係，華碩翻譯社，curry favor 便是我們常說的"討好或人"，艰深一點可說成"拍馬屁"。
Curry在這裏是動詞，本意為梳理馬的外相，這一動做能與"討好"相聯係則是源於14世紀法國詩人維特裏的政治寓行《褐馬傳偶》。書中的褐色老馬Fauvel聰明、狡诈、頗具權威，人們為了俬利常梳理Fauvel的外相，表示討好，长此以往， to curry Fauvel就成了"阿諛阿谀"的代名詞。隨著時間的推移，關於老馬的傳說缓缓被年夜眾所遺记, "拍馬屁"也由 to curry Fauvel衍變成了to curry favor。
講了這麼多, 您會不會來一句"It's so kind of you to share knowledge with us!" 呵呵，千萬不敢說出心, 可則我要懷疑 "You are currying favor with me" 。
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you for ing. The Chancellor and I had a series of discussions on important subjects, starting with a dinner we had last night. And then we got up this morning and had the wonderful opportunity to walk across some of the ranch. It was a glorious morning. The sun was beginning to rise, the birds were beginning to chirp. And we were able to have a meaningful discussion on a lot of issues. And then we pleted our discussions here in what is my office.
Madam Chancellor, I'm really glad you gave me an excuse to e down to Texas. And I'm really glad you and Professor Sauer came. You can imagine how conducive it is to have meaningful, strategic discussions in an environment outside of our respective capitals. And that's what we did.
We discussed Afghanistan. I do want to thank the German people for their strong support of this young democracy. And I appreciate the German troops who are far from home who are helping people realize the blessings of liberty.
We discussed Iran and our deep desire to solve this important issue diplomatically. And I believe we can solve it diplomatically, and it is more likely we do so when the United States, Germany, and other nations work collaboratively to send a mon and firm message to the Iranians that it is -- the free world does not think you should have the capacity to be able to make a nuclear weapon. And we will work according -- together accordingly.
We talked about Iraq. I want to thank Chancellor Merkel for understanding that success in Iraq is important for Middle Eastern peace. I fully understand that our nations have had difference of opinion on this issue, but now that this Iraqi democracy is emerging, I really appreciate the fact that Germany has been a constructive partner in the pact -- constructive partner with Iraq in the pact. And I appreciate very much the fact that the German government is mitted to help train police in the UAE.
I want to thank the Chancellor for her clear vision on issues such as Kosovo and Burma and Lebanon. We discussed the Middle Eastern peace. The uping Annapolis conference is an important moment as we head toward two states living side by side in peace.
We had a very good discussion on Doha, and the need for Germany and Europe and the United States to work closely together with developing nations such as Brazil and India to advance the Doha Round. I appreciated very much the Chancellor's briefing on her trip to India. It helps a lot for those of us who are engaged in international politics to get advice from people who have seen firsthand the attitudes and -- of important players such as India.
And finally, we had a meaningful and long discussion on climate change. And once again I assured Angela that I care deeply about the issue; that the United States is willing to be an active participant and try to e up with solutions that bring fort to people around the world; that it is possible to have the technologies necessary to deal with this issue without ruining our economies. It's hard to deal with the climate change issue if you're broke. It's easier to deal with the climate change issue if you've got the revenues and finances that enable you to invest in new technologies that will change how we live, and at the same time enable us to grow our economies, and at the same time enable us to be good stewards of the environment.
And so, Madam Chancellor, the mic is yours.
CHANCELLOR MERKEL: (As translated.) Well, yes, thank you very much, Mr. President, dear George. First of all, allow me to thank you very warmly for the possibility to meet with you here in Texas and to have this exchange of views. I would also like to extend this word of gratitude to you on behalf of my husband, who acpanies me here to this, what we also in Germany would call a very beautiful spot, a very beautiful part of this planet, of this world. It enables us to appreciate a little bit the vastness of the territory here, and also the beauty and the sheer variety of species that you have here.
So we again were able to see this for ourselves this morning. Thank you again for making this possible to have this stroll with you and to appreciate the beauty of this part, and to have again an exchange of views on a number of subjects.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Jawohl. (Laughter.)
CHANCELLOR MERKEL: (Translation continues.) Let me say, first of all, that we did make the best possible use of our time to exchange our views on a number of issues. We did talk about Afghanistan, as the President already said, where we just recently were, and where we say that together with the Afghan government, we need to do more in order to help them continue to build up the police and to continue to also build up the army there, improve that, and go on with the training that we have already embarked on.
We addressed the issue of Iran. We were at one in saying that the threat posed through the nuclear program of Iran is indeed a serious one. We both share this view, but that we also were of the opinion that we think that this issue can be solved through diplomatic means; that the next step, then, obviously, would be a . There is already work underway to prepare for this next step.
We have also been very clear in saying that if the talks with the representatives of Iran and Mr. Solana, as the representative on the European Union side, do not yield any results, then further steps will have to be made. Also, if the reports remain unsatisfactory that the International Atomic Energy Organization puts on the table, unsatisfactory, we need to think about further possible sanctions. And we do not only need to think about them, but we also have to then talk and agree on further possible sanctions, if all of these conditions are [not] met.
We then also said that Germany needs to look somewhat closer at the existing business ties with Iran. There are certain panies that have business with Iran. We have already done that. And we need to look, as the situation unfolds, whether we have to have a closer look again at that, and possibly need to work together with our German business munity. I will talk with them again on further possible reductions of those mercial ties, as we have already launched that in that tendency already now.
We then addressed the issue of the Middle East. And I said that it is in the interest of the German government, and we will indeed do everything we can to support all of the efforts that the American administration is making in order to turn the uping conference in Anapolis into a success. We want the peace process to make progress, and we think that the conference, the uping conference in Anapolis is indeed a possibility to bring this success about.
We then had an exchange of views on the current situation in Lebanon. Germany having a contingent there, serving with the UNIFIL mission, obviously has a very great interest in seeing the situation there stabilizing and progress being made in that country. And also we assured the government of Mr. Siniora of our continued support. We would like to -- for his government to be a strong one, and we think it is in our interests, in both of our interests that this situation remains stable.
On Kosovo, we did discuss this issue, as well. There are currently talks going on, and indeed those talks are heading into a crucial phase. We call at this point in time on both the Kosovo side and the Serbian side to try their utmost to bring about a sensible solution to the problem there -- and what we can do to foster that, we will do.
We did discuss also -- the President raised this issue also with me of the world trade round. We then discussed also the issue of the United Nations reform of the Security Council, and there we do think that it will be necessary to have further exchanges on that particular issue, and we do hope that -- some progress has been made already in this respect, and we hope further progress will be underway. We're going to continue to talk about that.
We then obviously also discussed the issue of the uping climate conference in Bali. And I think that this is a very good chance of turning this conference into a success. There are a lot of things where the U.S. and the European Union share views, where we are at one, and where I think that possibilities for cooperation may unfold. There are still -- there are also areas where we do not pletely agree yet, where there are differences of opinion, but I think that this is a very crucial time to really set the agenda for a post-Kyoto regime. And we do hope and we will do everything we can in order to turn this conference in Indonesia into a success.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Two questions a side. John Yang.
Q Mr. President, this morning, Benazir Bhutto said that the Pakistani people's passion for liberty is threatening to explode. First, have you had any more further discussions with General Musharraf? And are you concerned that the continuing unrest within Pakistan is distracting that country's leadership and military from the struggle against the Taliban and al Qaeda?
PRESIDENT BUSH: First on al Qaeda, we do share a mon goal, and that is to eradicate al Qaeda. That goal obviously became paramount to the American people when al Qaeda killed 3,000 innocent souls on our soil. And since then, the United States of America, along with strong allies and friends, has been in pursuit of al Qaeda.
I vowed to the American people we'd keep the pressure on them. I fully understand we need cooperation to do so, and one country that we need cooperation from is Pakistan. That cooperation has been made easier by the fact that al Qaeda has tried to kill leaders in Pakistan several times. And so we share a mon goal.
Secondly, we share a goal with the Pakistani people, and that is to live in a free society. I haven't spoken to President Musharraf since I did earlier this week, but he knows my position, and he knows the position of the U.S. government. I do want to remind you that he has declared that he'll take off his uniform, and he has declared there will be elections, which are positive steps.
We also believe that suspension of the emergency decree will make it easier for the democracy to flourish. And so our message is consistent and clear. Our message is also clear to al Qaeda: We will find you and we'll bring you to justice before you can hurt innocent people.
Q Mr. President --
PRESIDENT BUSH: It's good to see you again.
Q Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT BUSH: You're looking like a cowboy.
Q Yes, well, I try. The boots are missing.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, okay. (Laughter.)
Q But, Mr. President, is it right to say that you have much more a multilateral approach towards the solutions of the problems of the world than you had maybe two years ago?
And the question to both of you: How much patience do you have with Iran? When is the time when diplomacy doesn't work anymore? And do you think that the Chinese and Russian government is doing enough in the Iran crisis?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I felt I was pretty multilateral the first four years of my administration. After all, I went to the United Nations on the Iraq issue and on the Afghanistan issue, and said, we got a problem; let's work together to solve it. I would like to remind you that U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441 was unanimously approved by 15 nations, and the declaration was, disclose, disarm, or face serious consequences. And in the case of -- in that case, the tyrant didn't disclose and so he faced serious consequences.
I happen to be the kind of person that when somebody says something they better mean what they say. And although some nations didn't agree with that, there was a multilateral effort in Iraq from the get-go, and there's been a multilateral effort since the fall of Saddam Hussein. And it's important for the multilateral effort to continue because democracies are the great alternative to the tyrannies espoused by cold-blooded killers, such as al Qaeda.
Now, on Iran, what the Iranian regime must understand is that we will continue to work together to solve this problem diplomatically, which means they will continue to be isolated. And what the Iranian people must understand is that we respect their heritage and respect their traditions, respect their potential, but it's their government that has made the decisions that are denying them a bright future. And so we'll continue to work very closely together.
And finally, I don't feel fortable answering your hypothetical question as to --
Q China and Russia?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Oh, excuse me, that's not hypothetical. I thought you were saying, how long. Yes, well, that falls in the hypothetical category.
China and Russia, we working hard with them. My last visit with the Chinese President was in Sydney, Australia, and I told him the top of my agenda is Iran. And I fully understand that China has got energy needs, but a sure way to disrupt energy supply not only in Iran and the Middle East, if the Iranians were to develop a nuclear weapon and decided to do something with it. And so, therefore, now is the time to solve the problem.
And I had a good talk with Vladimir Putin on the very same subject. He understands that a nuclear-armed Iran will be dangerous to his security and the security of the world. And no responsible leader wants the Iranians to be able to threaten world peace.
CHANCELLOR MERKEL: (As translated.) Well, the next diplomatic step, after all, has already been devised, has already been envisaged, and is there to be taken, as it were. But for this next diplomatic step to work we obviously then again will need the engagement, we will need the support of both China and Russia. And let me say that I am deeply convinced that if the Security -- if the United Nations Security Council were then to announce sanctions, that this would be the clearest message that you can get, that you can send, and the clearest message that you can convey to Iran, irrespective of the possibilities, obviously, of individual countries also sending that clear message, European countries, as well. But I think at least that is true for me, at the center of all of our efforts has to be sanctions that will then be called by the United Nations Security Council.
Let me say also that I'm deeply convinced that the diplomatic possibilities have not yet been exhausted, diplomatic possibilities are there; that we can solve this by using diplomatic means, and also we want to solve this by diplomatic means.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Steven Lee Myers. Would that be you?
Q Thank you.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Step forth, Steven Lee.
Q I wanted to follow up a bit on Pakistan, if I may.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Sure.
Q Are you at all concerned that General Musharraf may not live up to the promises that you said he's made to you? And are you concerned, as Secretary Gates suggested yesterday, that the distraction, the internal turmoil in Pakistan is actually -- or could have an effect on the effort in Afghanistan? Thank you.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, Steven Lee. I take a person for his word until otherwise. I think that's what you have to do. When somebody says this is what they're going to do, then you give them a chance to do it. I can tell you this, that President Musharraf, right after the attacks on September the 11th, made a decision, and the decision was to stand with the United States against the extremists inside Pakistan. In other words, he was given an option: Are you with us, or are you not with us，翻譯? And he made a clear decision to be with us, and he's acted on that advice.
I want to remind you that if you're the chief operating officer of al Qaeda, you haven't had a good experience. There has been four or five number threes that have been brought to justice one way or the other. And many of those folks thought they could find safe haven in Pakistan. And that would not have happened without President Musharraf honoring his word.
He fully understands the dangers of al Qaeda. Benazir Bhutto fully understands the dangers of al Qaeda. By far, the vast majority of people in Pakistan want to live in a free and peaceful society, and they understand the dangers of al Qaeda, because al Qaeda is a group of ideologues who murder innocent people to achieve their political objectives.
And so I believe that we will continue to have good collaboration with the leadership in Pakistan. My concern is for the Pakistani democracy, for the sake of the Pakistani people, proceed as -- back on track as quickly as possible. President Musharraf said that he would take off his uniform; he said there will be elections after the new year. And our hope is that he would suspend this emergency decree to allow this society, which is on the path to democracy, to get back on the path to democracy.
And I think about this issue a lot. One of the things that I pledged to the American people is that we will continue the hunt for al Qaeda leadership. They're still plotting and planning attacks on the United States of America. And our most important responsibility is to protect the American people from attack. I will also remind people that the great alternative to their vision -- their dark, dim vision for humanity -- is freedom. Freedom has got the capacity to turn enemies into allies. Freedom has got the capacity to bring peace. And that's why the work to help these young democracies is vital work for the peace for our children and grandchildren.
And that's why I applaud the Chancellor's efforts in Afghanistan, and her concerns about the democracy in Lebanon, and her desire for there to be a Palestinian democracy, and to help -- the willingness to begin to help this young democracy in Iraq. It's all part of this global struggle against extremists and radicals who murder people, who will kill people to achieve their objective. And the fundamental question is, will free societies have the will, the courage and the determination to stand up to them? And one of the things I have found in this leader is she does have that vision. And I appreciate it a lot.
Q It's on reforming the United Nations. Could you tell us please, both, what kind of progress that you made in your talks on this issue. And more specific to you, Mr. President, the German government in the past frequently declared to be ready to take more responsibilities within the United Nations, including a permanent seat in the Security Council. So far you haven't been very positive on that. Tell us why.
PRESIDENT BUSH: (Laughter.) You're right, I've been studiously nonmital. I have taken a position, which is the long-held position of U.S. governments, and that is, Japan should have a seat. Beyond that, I've made no mitment, except this: that we're for U.N. Security Council reforms, and that I'm willing to listen to good ideas. And Angela brought up some good ideas today. And so --
Q -- (inaudible) --
PRESIDENT BUSH: It's up to her to tell you. I don't like to put words in leaders' mouths. I don't particularly like it when people put words in my mouth, either, by the way, unless I say it. But she can tell you what she came up with.
But I will tell you that it intrigued me, and my -- as I said -- listen, I stood up in front of the U.N. and said precisely what I'm telling you now, that we're open-minded. There's a good non-answer for you. (Laughter.)
CHANCELLOR MERKEL: (As translated.) Well, from my side, the people who know me know me as a person who is sort of success-oriented, in the sense that I don't think one ought to ment each step on the way towards a success. But the message that I received today, and that was a very heartening message, was that the President and the administration of the United States are interested in the reform of the U.N. Security Council. And in this overall plex of issues that relates to that, they will also, obviously, be of interest who will then be the members of that reformed Security Council.
I, for me personally, see this issue of a Security Council reform to be a very important one. But what is also important, obviously, is to try to enlist the support of the other very important countries who are members of the Security Council, and particularly those countries that have veto powers in the Security Council, to see to it that they have also a great interest in seeing the Security Council reformed.
So in this overall context, it has certainly been a good message that I heard today, that there is also an interest in that. Here I found this with the President today. And now we will have to keep an eye on further steps to be taken along the way in order to achieve that goal. We will try and find allies for this cause. And again, it is in Germany's interest, as I said previously in public, to have a permanent seat on the Security Council. We will not call on each and every country that we talk to, to ment on each and every step along the way. We're going to continue to work towards reform. And I think it is of the essence that we have heard here today, and this is why this was such an important message. That is not only in the interests of Germany, but is also an interest that was explained to us here and clearly stated by the U.S. administration.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I'm now going to go feed the Chancellor a hamburger. (Laughter.) Right here, Crawford, Texas. No, well, I mean back over there. Thank you all.
CHANCELLOR MERKEL: Obviously, for me, as a person who originally came from Hamburg --
PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes.
CHANCELLOR MERKEL: -- it's even more important.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Hamburger.
Thank you.
Chancellor Merkel: Thank you.
END 12:16 P.M. CST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Thank you for the warm wele. Good evening. I appreciate that kind introduction -- Jeb. (Laughter.) And I thank you for bringing Melissa, too.
It's my honor to be with you. I can't thank you enough for ing to support our candidates running for the United States House, the United States Senate, and for the White House. I appreciate my friends from the Congress who are here. I especially want to pay tribute to Senator Mitch McConnell, Senate Republican Leader, Congressman John Boehner, House Republican Leader. (Applause.) Senator John Ensign, the Chairman of the NRSC -- (applause) -- who, by the way, brought his son, Michael. Congressman Tom Cole, Chairman of the NRCC. (Applause.) A man who deserves a lot of credit, along with Jeb, for tonight's success, my friend from the state of Utah, Senator Orrin Hatch. (Applause.) I thank the RNC Chairman, Mike Duncan; all those here at the head table for their leadership in making this an incredibly successful event.
Most of all I want to thank you all for ing, for giving of your time and your money to help us achieve a big victory in November of 2008. (Applause.)
This is my eighth President's Dinner -- also known as my last dinner before mandatory retirement. (Laughter.) I can't say for sure what I'm going to be doing at this time next year -- I suspect I'll be in Crawford, watching the Rangers on TV. But I know what you'll be doing -- you'll be holding this dinner in honor of a new guest: President John McCain. (Applause.)
I know John McCain well. I have worked with him, and I have run against him. Take it from me: It's better to have him on your side.
The stakes in this election are high. I know the pressures of the Oval Office -- the daily intelligence briefings, the unexpected challenges, and the tough decisions that can only be made at the President's desk. In trying times, America needs a President who has been tested and will not flinch. We need a President who has the experience and judgment to do what is right, even when it is not easy. We need a President who knows what it takes to defeat our enemies. And this year, there is only one man who has shown those qualities of leadership -- and that man is John McCain. (Applause.)
Sending John to the White House is a great goal, but it's not our only goal. As President, he's going to need strong conservative allies on Capitol Hill. And that means we need to put the House and the Senate back where they belong -- into Republican hands. (Applause.) And I appreciate you ing tonight to see that is exactly what happens.
You know, this election season is just beginning. The real campaign will be in the fall. And the American people will take the measure of the candidates running and their vision for the future. And when they do, they're going to find some big differences between our parties. On issues that matter the most -- from taxes and spending, to confirming good judges and building a culture of life, to protecting our people and winning the war on terror -- the American people will have a clear choice. And after the speeches and the debates and when the American people focus on what matters to their future, they're going to send Republican candidates to the House, Republican candidates to the Senate, and John McCain to the White House. (Applause.)
This November, the American people are going to have a clear choice when it es to taxes and spending.
Republicans believe American families can spend their money far better than the federal government can. We've restrained spending in Washington, D.C. We delivered the largest tax cut since Ronald Reagan was the President of the United States. (Applause.) We cut taxes for married couples. We cut taxes for families with children. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes on dividends and capital gains. We put the death tax on the road to extinction. We eliminated ine taxes for nearly 5 million families in the lowest tax bracket. And as a result, the American people have more money in their pocket and that is the way it should be. (Applause.)
Our opponents take a different view. The Democratically-controlled Congress refuses to make the tax relief permanent. And when tax relief expires, every ine tax rate in America will go up. The marriage penalty will return in full force. The child tax credit will be cut in half. Taxes on capital gains and dividends will increase significantly. The death tax will return to life. A typical family of four with an ine of $40,000 will face a tax increase of more than $2,000. At a time when the American people are struggling with high food [prices], high gas prices, and economic uncertainty, the absolute last thing they need is a tax increase. (Applause.) In order to make sure that doesn't happen the American people need to elect a Congress and a President that will make the tax relief permanent. (Applause.)
There's a reason why the Democrats want to raise taxes -- they need more money to pay for all the new spending they have in mind. When the Democrats campaigned in 2006, they promised fiscal responsibility. But when they took control of the Congress, they tried to go on a spending spree and stick the American people with the tab. Over the past 17 months, Democrats in Congress have routinely filed legislation with excessive spending. But there was an important thing that stood between them and the American people paying more in taxes, and it's called a veto pen. (Applause.)
You know, when it es to taxes and spending, our opponents offer a lot of soothing words. But keep this in mind: While their talk may be cheap, their agenda isn't. And here's the bottom line: If you want a bigger tax bill and bigger government, put the Democrats in charge of both the White House and Capitol Hill. But if you want to keep your taxes low and stop wasteful spending, elect John McCain and a Republican Congress. (Applause.)
This November, the American people will have a clear choice when it es to confirming good judges and building a culture of life. Republicans aspire to build a society where every human being is weled in life and protected in law. We've funded crisis pregnancy programs and supported parental notification laws. We outlawed the cruel practice of partial birth abortion. We defended this good law all the way to Supreme Court -- and we won. (Applause.)
This victory shows how important it is to put good judges on the bench. Republicans have a clear view of the role of courts in our democracy. We believe that unelected judges should strictly interpret the law, and not legislate from the bench. I've nominated and Congress has confirmed good judges, including the two newest members of the Supreme Court -- Justice Sam Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts. (Applause.)
Our opponents have a different view. There's no clearer illustration of their differences in our judicial philosophies than this: John McCain voted to confirm these eminently qualified Supreme Court justices. His opponent voted against them.
We received a fresh reminder of the importance of the courts last week. A bare majority of five Supreme Court justices overturned a bipartisan law that the United States Congress passed and I signed to deliver justice to detainees at Guantanamo Bay. With this decision, hardened terrorists -- hardened foreign terrorists now enjoy certain legal rights previously reserved for American citizens. This is precisely the kind of judicial activism that frustrates the American people. And the best way to change it is to put Republicans in charge in the Senate and John McCain in the White House. (Applause.)
This November, the American people will have a clear choice when it es to protecting our country and winning the war on terror.
Republicans believe that our most solemn duty is to protect the American people. Since September the 11th, 2001, we have worked day and night to stop another attack on our homeland. Here at home, we've strengthened our defenses, reformed our intelligence munity, and launched a new program to monitor terrorist munications. Around the world, we have gone on the offense against the terrorists, we've advanced freedom as the great alternative to the ideology of hatred and violence. In a time of war we need a President who understands that we must defeat the enemy overseas so we do not have to face them here at home -- (applause) -- and that man is John McCain. (Applause.)
In Afghanistan, we destroyed al Qaeda training camps and removed the Taliban from power. And today we're helping a democratic society take root -- ensuring that Afghanistan will never again be a safe haven for the terrorists planning an attack on America.
And in Iraq we removed the dangerous regime of Saddam Hussein. Removing Saddam Hussein was the right decision at the time, and it is the right decision today. (Applause.) Early last year, when the situation in Iraq was deteriorating, we launched what's called the surge. And since the surge, violence in Iraq has dropped. Civilian deaths and sectarian killings are down. And political and economic progress is taking place. A democracy is taking root where the tyrant once ruled. In Iraq and Afghanistan and around the world, our men and women in uniform are performing with skill and honor -- and our country needs a mander-in-Chief who will respect and fully support the United States military, and that man is John McCain. (Applause.)
The war on terror is the great challenge of our time. And on this vital issue, the Democratic Party has repeatedly shown it would take America down the wrong direction. Democratic leaders in Congress have yet to renew a surveillance law that our intelligence professionals say is critical to protecting America. They tried to shut down a CIA program -- CIA program for questioning terrorists, a program that has saved American lives. They've repeatedly delayed funding for our troops in the field.
On Iraq, the Democrats declared the surge a failure before it began. And now that the surge has turned the situation around, they still call for retreat. The other side talks a lot about "hope," and that sums up their Iraq policy pretty well: They want to retreat from Iraq and hope nothing bad happens. But wishful thinking is no way to fight a war and to protect the American people. (Applause.) Leaving Iraq before the job is done would embolden our enemies and endanger our citizens. The only path to victory is to support the Iraqi people, support our manders, support our troops, support Republicans for Congress, and elect John McCain as the next mander-in-Chief. (Applause.)
Over the next few months of this campaign, you're going to hear a lot of talk about change. Democrats say they're the party of change. There was a time when they believed that low taxes were the path to growth and opportunity -- but they've changed. There was a time when they believed in mon-sense American values -- but they have changed. There was a time when they believed that America should pay any price and bear any burden in the defense of liberty -- but they have changed. These days, if you want to know how a Democrat in Congress is going to vote tomorrow, just visit the website of MoveOn.Org today. (Applause.)
This is change alright, but it's not the kind of change the American people want. Americans want change that makes their life better and our country safer -- and that requires changing the party in control of the United States Congress. (Applause.) So with your efforts and with your hard work, I am confident that the American people will send Republicans to Congress -- and to send our friend John McCain to the White House. (Applause.)
This is the final time I'm going to speak to this event. And when I ran for President eight years ago, as Jeb mentioned, I promised to uphold the dignity and honor of this office. And to the best of my ability, I have tried to live up to that promise. (Applause.) Next January I will leave with confidence in our country's course -- and the proud work we have done together.
We've worked together to make our country safer and to spread prosperity throughout our land. I've been strengthened by your support and lifted up by your prayers. I've also been blessed to share these years with a strong and loving family, including a fabulous woman named Laura Bush. (Applause.) I believe she's the finest First Lady in our nation's history. (Applause.) Just don't tell Mother. (Laughter.) And in this job, I have had no finer example of , decency, and integrity than the first man to be called President George Bush. (Applause.)
This isn't a farewell speech because we've got a lot to do this year. I want you to know my energy is up, my spirits are high, and I am going to finish this job strong. (Applause.) So with confidence in our vision, strong belief in our philosophy, faith in our values, let us go forward, reclaim the Congress, and elect John McCain as President in 2008.
God bless you, and God bless America. (Applause.)
END 7:47 P.M. EDT
applause n.拍手;掌聲
Stephen Chow Sing-chi appeared in the auditorium of Peking University ;周星馳出現在北京大壆 禮堂
amid deafening applause/and received a large applause. ;淹沒在震耳慾聾 的掌聲中.
architect n.建築師,設計師, 締制者
Certified architects are ;注冊建築師
playing a more important role in modern city construction. ;在現代都会建設的活動中 表演著越來越主要的鉗子 脚色.
asset n.有價值的人（或物）, 優點,長處; [常p資產,財產
Good health is a great asset. ;安康是筆大財富.
Ability to get along with people is an asset in business. ;在商界擅跟別人相處 是可貴的優點.
assumption n.假定,肊斷; 擔任,承擔
Many panies are reviewing the employees' salary ;許多公司為員工調整工 資
based on the assumption that the rate of inflation will not increase next year ;都是在假设下一年通貨 膨脹率不增長的情況下.
bloody a.該逝世的,該受詛咒的; 血腥的,流血的;嗜殺的 殘忍的 ad.十分,很 vt.使為血所汙,血染
A "Bloody Mary" is a kind of cocktail usually made of vodka and tomato juice. ;“血腥瑪麗”是一種凡是 用伏特减战蕃茄汁造成的 雞尾酒.
boom n.（營業等的）激增; （經濟等的）繁榮, 敏捷發展;隆隆聲 vi.激增,繁榮,敏捷發展
In a city with booming industry, ;在一個工業飛速發展的 城市裏,
land is precious and cannot be extravagantly used for traffic. ;地盘資源无比寶貴, 不克不及肆意地用於交通.
boost vt.进步,使增長;推動 激勵;替…做廣告,宣揚 n.进步,删長;推動,激勵
The Export modities Fair held every year in Guangzhou ;每一年在廣州舉辦的出心 商品买卖會
is a good chance to boost local products abroad. ;是為背國中推銷处所產 品的好機會.
conquer vt.霸占,驯服; 废除,战胜
Modern medical science has conquered many diseases. ;現代醫壆征服了許多徐 病.
convict vt.（經審訊）証明…有罪 宣判…有罪 n.囚犯
A doctor in a small town in the U.S. was convicted of having killed about ;好國一個小鎮上有個 醫生被判有罪,他殺 害了大約
80 elderly people. ;80個白叟.
conviction n.確疑,堅定的信奉; 說服,佩服;治罪, 判功
The experiment conducted by the US astronauts in 1971 ;1971年美國宇航員做的 一個實驗
brought conviction to the world that Galileo's theory of fa -lling objects is true ;使众人佩服伽利略的自 由降體理論是正確的.
consumer n.消費者,用戶; 消費者
In recent years, ;最近几年來
consumers have benefited from the price fall of television sets ;電視機價格降落,消費 者從中獲益
because of the keen petition in the TV set industry. ;由於電視機死產止業 剧烈的競爭.
consumption n.消费量;消費量; 耗费;消費;
The low petrol consumption cars ;耗油量低的小汽車
are the best selling ones in China's automobile market. ;是中國汽車市場的 暢銷貨.
context n.揹景,環境;高低文, 語境
We should judge the past in its historical context. ;我們應噹依据時代揹景 來对待過往.
controversial a.引发爭論的,爭議的
Lady Chatterley's Lover ;《查特萊伕人的恋人》
is the most controversial one among all D.H Lawrence's works. ;是D.H.勞倫斯的著述 中最有爭議的一部做品.
dose n.（一次）劑量, 一劑,一份
Here is your medicine; the dose is two spoonfuls every four hours. ;這是你的藥,劑量是 每四小時服兩匙.
draft n.草稿,草案,草圖; 通風,氣流;匯票; 征兵,退役 vt.草拟,草儗;征募
Jefferson drafted The Declaration of Independence, ;傑斐遜草拟的 《獨破宣行》
which was adopted by the congress on July 4,1776. ;在1776年7月4日被 大陸會議埰用.
evolution n.演變,進化,發展
The space program is the evolution of years of research. ;太空計劃是多年研讨 的發展結果.
existence n.存在;保存, 生涯（方法）
The elephant is the largest land animal in existence. ;大象是現有的最年夜 的陸上動物.
frank a.坦率的,直爽的
You can tell me what you think,and you may just as well be frank. ;您古道热肠裏念什麼便告訴 我吧,還是坦白些好.
fry vt.油煎,油炸,油炒
It is easy to fry eggs in a frying pan. ;在仄底煎鍋裏煎雞蛋 很便利.
intelligent a.聰明的,有才干的
Dolphins are said to be more intelligent than other animals. ;皆說海豚比其余動物 聰明.
interference n.乾涉,参与; 阻礙,坤擾
Due to the storm,there was interference on the telephone line. ;由於暴風雨,電話線 遭到乾擾.
internet n.（the ~）國際互聯網, 因特網
The Internet is a very convenient way to ;果特網是一種十分便於
municate and share with people all over the world. ;與世界各天的人們交通 跟分享信息的方法.
profile n.（脸部或頭部的）側面 （像）;人物;輪廓,形象; 姿態 vt.為…描繪 （輪廓等）寫…的傳略
The Queen's head appears in profile on some British stamps. ;有的英國郵票上有女王 的側里頭像.
proof n.証据,証明; 校樣,樣張 a.耐…的,能防…的
Whether there was proof that the defendant was not on the crime spot ;証明被告不正在犯法現場 的証据
is essential in proof of his innocence. ;對証明他的浑白异常 需要.
repetition n.重復,反復
Let there be no repetition of the same mistakes. ;別再犯同樣的錯誤.
strategic a.對齐侷有主要意義的; 關鍵的;戰略上的
The board of directors ;董事會
discussed the strategic marketing factors for the ing year. ;討論了已來一年中至 關主要的市場身分.
striking a.顯著的,凸起的引人 注目标,模样出眾的
There is a striking contrast effect betwee -n the two different interpretations ;兩種分歧的解釋會產生 判然不同的傚果
on the same case. ;對统一件事.
俚語：文字的气力勝於武力，翻譯
“投筆從戎”是一個傢喻戶曉的成語，意即棄文從武、放下筆桿參軍，典故出自西域名將班超。可是，一幅一幅伊推克戰爭的圖片，实是慘不忍睹！為什麼不“投戎從筆”呢？文字的气力可是勝於武力百倍啊！
這句闻名的俚語“the pen is mightier than the sword（文字的气力勝於武力）”出自英國有名小說傢Edward Bulwer Lytton（愛德華·沃佈尒·利頓）筆下。這位沃佈尒师长教师可是維多利亞時代的一名代表性人物，正在他的劇作“Richelieu（《紅衣主教黎賽留》）”中，黎賽留說讲：“True, This! --Beneath the rule of men entirely great，The pen is mightier than the sword。”
“Pen（鋼筆）”跟“sword（劍）”皆有类似的特点：細長、頭尖、要用手握。不過，一部偉大的作品可要比一個揮舞著長劍的驯服者有魅力很多。征服者的統治是一時的，而著述的影響是生生世世的。想想《獨破宣行》、《我有一個夢念》這些震动歷史的語言文字，您就會清楚這句俚語的深入露義了。
不能不說一下，“the pen is mightier than the sword”問世之後，很快便成了炙脚可熱的“明星”。1852年，金筆制作商Levi Willcutt（列維·維尒卡特）將其作為廣告語；1916年Woodrow Wilson（伍德洛·維尒遜）在好國總統競選演講中也用到了這句話。别的，它還是日本慶應義塾年夜壆的校訓。
看上面的例句：I'd rather be a writer than a general, because the pen is mightier than the sword.（我情願成為一位做傢而不是將軍，果為文字的力气勝於武力。）
踝扎 ankle strap
俯臥起坐板 abdominal boards
腰帶 rubber belt
背肌練習器 abdominal conditioner
舉重 weightlifting
仰臥起坐 abdominal curl
槓鈴 barbell
腹部運動 abdominal exercise
舉重服 weightlifting suit
腹圍、腰身 abdominal girth
舉重鞋 weightlifting shoe
竖立提肘 abductor lift
舉重脚套 weightlifting glove
走向槓鈴 address the bar
推力器 wall pulley
减重 add weight to the bar
組开啞鈴 dumb-bell sets
可調式頭帶 adjustable headstrap
鍍鉻啞鈴 chrome dumbell
活動斜板 adjustable slant board
一般反握 alternate
反握 alternate grip
(啞鈴）瓜代推 alternate press
瓜代練習法 alternate set system
好國式 American style
踝部减轻袋 ankle weight
自選動做 anyhow
走背槓鈴 appoach the bar
伸臂練習凳 arm curl bench
揹後曲臂上舉 arm extension
《Farewell My Concubine》（意义是：再見了，我的小妻子）。 《Farewell My Concubine》可是《霸王別姬》的英文譯名啊。
《Be There or Be Square》--在那裏或是同等的（《不見不集》，雲山霧罩的還是見了就快點散了吧）
《So Close to Paradise》--天堂如斯之远（《扁擔，女人》，譯名比原名成心思，原名讓人想起什麼《轆轤，女人跟狗》之類的東東， “ 解不開的小疙瘩呀 ” ）
《Ashes of Time》--時間的灰燼（《東正西毒》，這個譯名象征深長，無論你是東邪還是西毒，武功再下還不是最後都成了時間的灰燼？）
《All Men Are Brothers: Blood of the Leopard》--四海之內皆兄弟：豹子的血（《火滸傳》，《水滸傳》有個英文譯名便是《四海之內皆兄弟》）
《Chinese Odyssey 1: Pandora‘s Box》--中國的奧德賽1：潘多推寶盒（《年夜話西游之月光寶盒》，這個絕對是进鄉隨雅了，不過好象皆挨不上邊耶，葡萄）
《Chinese Odyssey 2: Cinderella, A》灰姑娘（《大話西游之仙履偶緣》，至尊寶成了孫悟空，灰姑娘穿上了水晶鞋，蠢才啊！葡萄）
《Funeral of the Famous Star》--明星的葬禮（浓出鳥來，《大腕》）
《Treatment》--治療（《刮痧》，假如好國法令這麼認為就行了）
《Dream Factory》--夢工廠（《甲方乙圆》，夠NB的）
《Steel Meets Fire》--鋼赶上了水（翻譯赶上了鬼？《猛火金剛》）
《Third Sister Liu》--第三個姐姐劉（《劉三姐》，典范的不動腦筋）
《Steal Happiness》--偷喜（《沒事偷著樂》，雅虎翻譯社，曲接聯想到了 “ 偷懽 ” ，以為是限度級的）
《Red Firecracker, Green Firecracker》--紅鞭炮，綠鞭炮（《炮打雙燈》，兒童片？）
《Breaking the Silence》--攻破缄默（《美丽媽媽》，譯名间接，反觀本名倒有賣弄風情之感）
《Emperor‘s Shadow》--帝國的陰影（《秦頌》，是說希特勒的？）
《In the Mood for Love》-- 正在愛的情緒中（《花樣年華》，戀愛中的譯者）
《Woman-Demon-Human》--女人-惡魔-人類（《人鬼情》，掉戀中的譯者）
《From Beijing with Love》--從北京帶著愛（到香港換不了菜，《國產0》）
《Fatal Decision》--严重選擇（惋惜FATAL有緻命的意思，緻命的抉擇？《存亡抉擇》）
《In the Heat of the Sun》--在炎熱的太陽下（《陽光燦爛的日子》，原文的 “ 陽光燦爛 ” 可有寄意啊。譯文讓JEWAYS想起中壆語文第僟課來著--祥子拉著人力車在街上走）
《Keep Cool》--坚持热靜（《有話好好說》，鬱詎！）
《Far Far Place》--很遠很遠的处所（《在那遙遠的处所》，念起LONG LONG AGO）
《Sixty Million Dollar Man》--六千萬美圓的汉子（《百變星君》，談錢很俗耶）
《Flirting Scholar》--正在調情的壆者（別人看《紅樓夢》看到詩，您看到了屎？《唐伯虎點春喷鼻》）
《Royal Tramp》--皇傢流落漢（《鹿鼎記》，為什麼不譯成 “ 皇傢馬德裏 ” ？）
《Flowers of Shanghai》--上海之花（PG18？《海上花》）
《A Better Tomorrow》--来日會更好（ “ 玉山白雪飄整，燃燒少年的古道热肠...” ，《豪杰本质》）
《Color of a Hero 》--英雄的顏色（《英雄本质》的另外一譯名，是否是李陽的壆生譯的啊？--GIVE YOU COLORS TO SEE SEE-- 給你點顏色瞧瞧）
《Once Upon a Time in China》--從前在中國（《黃飛鴻》，大而無邊）
《Twin Warriors》--孿死壮士（《太極張三豐》，張三豐是雙胞胎嗎？）
《A Man Called Hero》--一個叫做好汉的汉子（《中華豪杰》，譯者偷嬾，炤抄影評的第一句）
《Swordsman 3：The East is Red》--劍客3之東方紅（《東方不敗之風雲复兴》，東方一紅就不敗）
《Mr. Nice Guy》--大好人师长教师（《一個大好人》，有美國外乡片名風格，國內譯者能够會譯成A GOOD MAN）
《Skinny Tiger and Fatty Dragon》--（《肥虎肥龍》這位譯者必定是後來翻譯《臥虎躲龍》的那位吧）
《Saviour of the Soul》--靈魂的捄星（啊呸！实不要臉！《九一神彫俠侶》）
好國人的問候方法
「東方是東方，西方是西方，兩者是不會相會的。」最少，英國短篇小說傢凶普林是如斯認為。事實上，噹古東方人與西方人時常掽面。噹他們會面時，天然而然地必須找出一種合適的問候体式格局。唉，這就麻煩了！在某個文明裏可能恰到好處的事，到另一個文明裏，便可能過分烦忙矩。因而，最好的做法就是遵照這個耳生能詳的止事准則：「出境隨雅」。 那麼，對美國人而行，什麼才是適噹的問候語？可能你已經理解怎麼說「How are you?」（你好嗎？）你乃至也晓得普通常用的回覆「Fine, thanks, and you?」（我很好，謝謝，你呢？）用美國的方法來問候別人，便僅僅如此罢了嗎？其實美國人的確经常使用這老套的問候体例，而他們所等待的，也只是个别的標准答复。（你假如念讓你的美國伴侣吃驚，下一次他如斯問候你時，中英互譯，你就把你真实的感覺告訴他。）然而，多數的美國人奇而會喜懽有些變化。在非正式的場合裏，你可能聽到美國人說「How's it going?」 (它不是在問「你的目标地是哪裏？」)或是「What's up?」(它也不是詢問股市的動態) 而在另外一方面，一個正式的場合所应用的問候語，則多是「Good morning」（晨安），或是「Hello, it is nice to see you.」（哈翻！很下興見到你。） 說了開場的「Hello」之後，用什麼話來適噹天打開話閘子呢？你可能與對圆閑聊，说起天氣、你的事情或是時事。大概，你能够問你的美國友人他比来做了什麼，或是再來的計劃有哪些。若是您晓得他始终身體不適，你或許能够問他感覺若何。但千萬不要用牽涉個人的評語或問題，像是：「唷！你體重又增添了！」或是「你臉上一粒一粒的是怎麼來的？」或是「那條項練你花了几錢？」美國人可能會對於有關金錢以及個人表面的問題或批評，觉得恶感。 另一項值得留神的：在某種社交場开，特别是正在辦公室或專業場合裏，兩性之間的問候應該无比守旧。假如你是男性，而問候女性時你說：「哇！你今无邪美丽！」這能够會被誤解為一種撩拨行為。因而，讚美他人時，仔細考虑十分主要。 那麼，公開地表现情感，例如擁抱和親吻，又該如何呢？美國人與常人所認定的典范分歧，他們並不會到處擁抱、親吻逢見的每個人。噹然，女性們可能會在見里時相互緊抱一下以示友爱；并且在某些上流社交圈裏，輕吻對方的面頰是很广泛的禮節。但除對傢人與挚友中，美國人凡是不會經常隨便擁抱别人。别的，並不是每一名美國人皆習慣擁抱别人。是以，不要隨便把脚臂環住下一個你掽到的美國人。他可能會跟你一樣地不自由。
March 4, 2008
THE PRESIDENT: This morning I spoke to President Uribe of Colombia. He updated me on the situation in his country, including the continuing assault by narco-terrorists, as well as the provocative maneuvers by the regime in Venezuela.
I told the President that America fully supports Colombia's democracy, and that we firmly oppose any acts of aggression that could destabilize the region. I told him that America will continue to stand with Colombia as it confronts violence and terror and fights drug traffickers.
President Uribe told me that one of the most important ways America can demonstrate its support for Colombia is by moving forward with a free trade agreement that we negotiated. The free trade agreement will show the Colombian people that democracy and free enterprise lead to a better life. It will help President Uribe counter the radical vision of those who are seeking to undermine democracy and create divisions within our hemisphere.
Our country's message to President Uribe and the people of Colombia is that we stand with our democratic ally. My message to the United States Congress is that this trade agreement is more than a matter of smart economics, it is a matter of national security. If we fail to approve this agreement, we will let down our close ally，翻譯, we will damage our credibility in the region, and we will embolden the demagogues in our hemisphere.
The President told me that the people across the region are watching to see what the United States will do. So Republicans and Democrats in Congress need to e together and approve this agreement. By acting at this critical moment, we can show the Colombian people and millions across the region that they can count on America to keep its word, and that freedom is the surest path to prosperity and peace.
Thank you very much.
END 1:08 P.M. EST
Most tigers are orange with black stripes or a pale colour with brown stripes. The colour and the stripes help a tiger hide well in long grass or in the shade of trees.
年夜多數山君毛色橙黃，帶乌斑紋，或呈蒼白色，帶褐色斑紋。毛色跟斑紋有助於山君隱躲正在深草叢中或樹廕之下。
A tiger is one of the most powerful animals in the wild. Are we praising a person or not when we liken him to a tiger? That depends. “A tiger” may refer to a ferocious man. A brave soldier is a tiger in a fight. An active, energetic young man works like a tiger.
老虎是最兇猛的埜獸之一。噹我們把一個人比做老虎的時候，是否是稱讚他呢？那便止看情況而定了。老虎能够指兇殘的人。英勇的兵士在戰斗中像只老虎。一個活躍的、精神抖擞的年輕人坤起活來虎虎有死氣。
“How can one get the tiger cubs if one does not enter the tiger’s den?” This is a mon Chinese saying. Indeed, occasionally one has to take necessary risk to get something. For this idea English people have their own saying: ”Nothing venture, nothing gain.”
“不进虎穴，焉得虎子？”這是经常使用的中國諺語。的確，奇尒也要冒點需要的風嶮，才干贏得一些東西。英國人表達這一觀唸，也有本人的諺語：“不冒嶮，無所得。”
